Narrow and Small Things

This article will analyze all 17 occurrences of the word "narrow," all 10 occurrences of the word "strait" and all 50 occurrences of the word "small" in the Book of Mormon text in an attempt to deduce the meanings of those terms in Nephite usage.
1. 1 Nephi 8:20, 2 Nephi 31:18, and 2 Nephi 31:19 all describe a strait and narrow path that leads by a rod of iron along a river of water toward the tree of life. People press forward along this path, holding on to the rod of iron 1 Nephi 8:24, 1 Nephi 8:30. In this context, the words "narrow" and "strait" connote a distance probably less than 5 meters wide.
2. Helaman 3:29 employs similar wording to describe a strait and narrow course leading across an awful gulf. The scriptural imagery suggests a foot bridge crossing a canyon, wide enough for a single pedestrian. In this context, the words "narrow" and "strait" connote a distance probably less than 5 meters wide.
3. 2 Nephi 9:41 introduces the idea of a gate one must go through to access a narrow way or path leading to the Lord and life. 2 Nephi 31:9 and 2 Nephi 33:9 use the words "narrowness" and "narrow" to describe the gate and the words "straitness" and "strait" to describe the path. The more common Book of Mormon usage reverses the word order so the gate is "strait" and the way is "narrow" Jacob 6:11, 3 Nephi 14:14, 3 Nephi 27:33. The gate and the way are restrictive enough that few people find them. In this context, the words "narrow" and "strait" connote a distance probably less than 5 meters wide.
4. 3 Nephi 14:13 and 3 Nephi 27:33 further clarify that "strait" is an antonym of "wide" and "narrow" is an antonym of "broad." A wide gate and a broad way can accommodate many people while a strait gate and a narrow way admit only a few. These texts are straightforward. The word "narrow" describes a distance on a human scale, something on the order of a few meters in width.

Other passages, though, expand our view. 1 Nephi 21:19-20 comes from the 49th chapter of Isaiah which describes the future gathering of the House of Israel following the Assyrian destruction of the northern kingdom ca. 720 B.C. When Joshua (from the tribe of Ephraim 1 Chronicles 7:27) allocated territory to the tribes following the Israelite conquest of Palestine, the house of Joseph (Ephraim and Manasseh) complained that their lands west of Jordan were too small for their large populations Joshua 17:14. Joshua gave them the opportunity to acquire additional territory through military conquest Joshua 17:15. In this text the word "narrow" describes the trans-Jordan land originally allotted to the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh. This map of Palestine will help quantify the Josephites' complaint.

Map of Palestine with distances noted

Dan to Beersheba was the Biblical transect representing the entire north to south extension of the Israelite nation Judges 20:1 (and 9 other Old Testament references). This is a straight line (air) distance of 235 kilometers. The land originally granted to the tribes of Ephraim and one-half of Manasseh extended from Bethel in the south to the Plains (or Valley) of Jezreel in the north. This is a distance of 65 kilometers. The original land grant to this portion of the house of Joseph was west of Jordan, so a reasonable approximation of the size of their territory would be 70 kilometers X 70 kilometers or approximately 4,900 square kilometers. This is larger than the state of Rhode Island (4,002 square kilometers) and slightly smaller than Utah County, Utah (5,188 square kilometers). The sense of Joshua 17:15, then, is that the house of Joseph considered a land area of approximately 4,900 square kilometers insufficient ("too narrow") for 2 (actually 1.5) of the largest tribes of Israel. Isaiah 49 (1 Nephi 21) describes the glorious future return of the dispersed tribes of Israel. They will "inherit the desolate heritages" 1 Nephi 21:8 or in other words, re-inhabit the lands originally granted to them. Their numbers will be so great that like Ephraim and Manasseh of old, they will complain that their allotted lands are "too narrow" and "too strait" 1 Nephi 21:19-20 for their large populations. The original territory assigned by Joshua to all 13 (Joseph received a double portion Joshua 14:4) of the tribes of Israel on both sides of Jordan was on the order of 25,000 square kilometers. This is approximately the size of the state of Vermont (24,901 square kilometers) and somewhat larger than San Juan County, Utah (20,254 square kilometers). So, the sense of 1 Nephi 21:91-20 is that the returning house of Israel in the last days will find even the entire original land of Israel inadequate ("too narrow," "too strait") for their numbers.

There is a fundamental difference between the "narrow" and "strait" things discussed in points 1-4 above and the use of those terms in Isaiah 49 (1 Nephi 21) and Joshua 17. When the scriptures call a gate, path, way or course "narrow" or "strait" the words are simple adjectives describing an intrinsic characteristic of the nouns "gate", "path", "way" or "course." When the scriptures describe a geographic region as "too narrow" for a given large population, the word "too" is an adverb modifying the adjective "narrow" under a certain condition "by reason of the inhabitants" 1 Nephi 21:19. The same pattern holds in the next verse where the word "too" is an adverb modifying the adjective "strait" under a certain condition "for me" 1 Nephi 21:20 meaning for the entire returning house of Israel in the last days. Does the Book of Mormon or the Old Testament ever use the terms "narrow" or "strait" to describe an intrinsic characteristic of an extension of territory as large as the Holy Land or some region within it? No. On the contrary, after Joshua had destroyed dozens of the kingdoms whose lands the Israelites inherited, the Lord spoke to his prophet and described the regions still unconquered as "very much land" Joshua 13:1. The entire territory divided among the tribes of Israel is called variously:

• "the country" Joshua 19:51 (and dozens of other references, variant reading "this country")
• "all the land" Joshua 21:43 (and many other references, variant reading "all this land")
• "the good land" Joshua 23:16 (and many other references, variant reading "this good land")
• "the land" Judges 2:1 (and dozens of other references, variant reading "this land")

When the tribe of Dan conquered Laish and established their eponymous city in its place, they described the surrounding region as "a large land" Judges 18:10.

So, the sense of 1 Nephi 21:19-20 does not imply that the Israelites considered any portion of their territory in Palestine inherently "narrow" or "strait."

This concludes our analysis of the word "strait" in the Book of Mormon. We are ready to examine some very interesting things that are "narrow."

5. A narrow strip of wilderness Alma 22:27 ran from the sea east by the head of Sidon to the sea west dividing the greater land of Zarahemla on the north from the greater land of Nephi on the south. In a parallel text Alma 50:11, Mormon described this Nephite/Lamanite boundary as a "line" running from the west sea by the head of Sidon with the greater land of Nephi on the south and the greater land of Zarahemla on the north. In ca. 72 B.C., the Nephite city of Moroni was built just north of this line Alma 50:13. How wide might this narrow strip or line of wilderness have been? Wilderness by its very nature would be wider than any man-made feature such as a road or wall. A few kilometers seems reasonable. Could anything much wider than 5 kilometers qualify as intrinsically narrow? It could hardly be considered a line. The demilitarized zone (DMZ) separating North and South Korea is generally considered a "strip" rather than a "narrow strip." It is 4 kilometers wide running 250 kilometers from sea to sea with a line, the military demarcation line (MDL), running right down the middle. In the article "Land Southward Travel Times" in this blog, we analyze a number of known historical journeys to deduce a reasonable distance in straight line (air) kilometers for the standard Nephite measure one day's travel. Our resulting rule of thumb is 15 kilometers. If the narrow strip of wilderness averaged 5 kilometers in width a typical Nephite could cross it in one third of a day. That seems reasonable for a physio-graphic feature continental in scope. In this context, the  narrow strip of wilderness probably did not exceed 5 kilometers in width.          
6. A strategic narrow pass Alma 50:34; Alma 52:9; Mormon 3:5 led between the land southward and the land northward, at the border between the lands of Bountiful on the south and Desolation on the north. This pass led by the seacoast. It had salt water to the west and more salt water to the east. It was a small enough place that a Nephite army numbering in the hundreds, perhaps thousands, certainly not tens of thousands could secure it against Lamanite attack. When major battles were fought there near the end of the Nephite era, enemy dead were cast into the sea. It sounds like a place with saltwater lagoons or tidal flats where a spur from a coastal mountain range reaches almost to the water's edge. In order to fit these criteria, the narrow pass could not have been more than 1 or 2 kilometers wide at most, with a few dozen or hundreds of meters more likely.
7. A narrow neck of land Alma 63:5; Ether 10:20 led between the land southward and the land northward, at the border between the lands of Bountiful on the south and Desolation on the north. This narrow neck was on the west seacoast at a point where salt water created a division between stretches of dry land. Ocean-going vessels launched nearby. It sounds like a sand bar running along a seacoast fronting an inter-coastal waterway or a series of saltwater lagoons. How large are known necks of land? A cemetery in Taunton, Bristol County, Massachusetts, established in 1687, is called the "Neck of Land Cemetery." The neck refers to land between the Taunton and Mill (aka Little) Rivers. On this 1858 map, the cemetery is circled in red.

Neck of Land Cemetery, Taunton, Massachusetts

Locating the same area on Google Earth allows us to measure the width of this neck of land.

Closeup of Neck of Land Cemetery, Taunton, Massachusetts

Setting a ruler in Google Earth, we see that the distance between rivers across this neck is .22 kilometers or 220 meters.

North east of Joplin, Missouri is a small town named Neck City. Located near the point where Duval Creek and the North Fork of Spring River come close enough to form a neck of land, Neck City was once a mining boom town called "Hell's Neck."

Neck City, Missouri

The neck of land between 2 streams that gives Neck City its name is .62 kilometers or 620 meters wide.

A single river can also form a neck of land. In Halifax County, North Carolina, the Roanoke River makes a loop known locally as "the neck." The town of Scotland Neck derives its name from a group of Scottish immigrants who in 1722 settled near the neck of the Roanoke.

Scotland Neck, North Carolina

At the points indicated on the map, the neck of the Roanoke River is 8.29 kilometers wide.

In Herefordshire, UK, a meander in the Wye River creates a landform the British call a "neck of land."

Wye River Neck of Land, Herefordshire, UK

The distance across the base of this neck is .49 kilometers or 490 meters.

Highway 682 in Williamsburg, Virginia is called "Neck-o-Land Road." The neck in this case is land between 2 streams. Neck-o-Land Road is highlighted in red on the map below.

Neck-o-Land Road, Williamsburg, Virginia

This particular neck of land is 1.05 kilometers wide at the points indicated.

A peninsula jutting from Long Island, New York is called Great Neck. At its base a much smaller peninsula is called Little Neck. This image shows a ruler across Great Neck. Little Neck is circled in red.

Little Neck (in red) and Great Neck, New York

Little Neck is about 470 meters wide. Great Neck measures 3.13 kilometers at its narrowest point.

Virginia has 3 peninsulas traditionally called necks all bounded by Chesapeake Bay on the east. Northern Neck borders the Potomac River on the north and the Rappahannock River on the south. Middle Neck (Middle Peninsula) has the Rappahannock River on the north and the York River on the south. Southern Neck (Virginia Peninsula) lies between the York River on the north and the James River on the south. This image shows all 3 necks with a ruler measuring the width of Northern Neck.

Northern, Middle & Southern Necks, Virginia

At the points indicated on the ruler, Virginia's Northern Neck is 23 kilometers wide. At its narrowest point near George Washington Birthplace National Monument, Northern Neck is 7.5 kilometers wide.

The wetlands of coastal Georgia contain many tiny island landmasses called necks. We will focus on one in McIntosh County called Harris Neck.

Harris  Neck, Georgia

Harris Neck is 10 kilometers long and .75 kilometers wide at its narrowest point. Surrounded by swamps, it serves today as a National Wildlife Refuge. Notice the triangular shape on the north west corner. During WWII those were the runways of an active army airfield.

Crabtree Neck is a peninsula in Hancock County, Maine.

Crabtree Neck, Maine

At the points marked by the ruler, Crabtree Neck is 2.24 kilometers wide.

Delaware's two large inland bays, Rehoboth Bay on the north and Indian River Bay on the south, are separated by Long Neck, a peninsula that almost connects with the coastal beaches.

Long Neck, Delaware

Long Neck is 2.1 kilometers wide near the base.

Elk Neck, Maryland is a peninsula jutting into the northern part of Chesapeake bay.

Elk Neck, Maryland

Elk Neck is 7.83 kilometers wide at its base.

Devonport is a northern suburb, across Waitemata Harbor from Aukland, New Zealand. It used to be connected to the rest of the North Shore by a causeway called the "Narrow Neck." Narrow Neck Beach lay to the east and large mangrove swamps to the west. About 150 years ago, the locals drained the swamps  and reclaimed the land which today is a golf course. This image has a small ruler measuring the width of the causeway prior to reclamation.

Narrow Neck, New Zealand

The causeway that New Zealanders called their "Narrow Neck" was 110 meters wide before reclamation. The contemporary town of Narrow Neck was named after it.

Eaglehawk Neck, Tasmania connects the Tasman Peninsula with the rest of the island.

Eaglehawk Neck, Tasmania

Eaglehawk Neck is 110 meters wide.

A neck of land can also be created by political boundaries. The Siliguri Corridor is a stretch of land connecting India's north eastern states to the rest of the country. 22.90 kilometers wide, the corridor is bounded on the west by Nepal and on the east by Bangladesh. Contemporary Indians call it "Chicken's Neck."

Siliguri Corridor (Chicken's Neck), India

Pakistan also has its Chicken's Neck. The Akhnoor Dagger, commonly called Chicken's Neck, is a narrow strip of Pakistan plunging into Indian-controlled Kashmir.

Akhnoor Dagger (Chicken's Neck), Pakistan

Pakistan's neck of land measures 2.50 kilometers wide at the base.

Geographers call a neck of land connecting two larger landmasses an "isthmus." Our English word derives from the Greek isthmos meaning "neck." Was the Book of Mormon narrow neck of land an isthmus? Not necessarily. The examples above (and there are dozens of others we could have included such as Land's End in Cornwall, UK) show that landforms commonly called necks are formed by:

• 2 streams of water running in close proximity to each other
• Meanders in a single stream of water
• Peninsulas jutting out from the mainland
• Wave action building up sand bars along shore lines or in tidal flats
• Political boundary making
• Causeways or isthmuses connecting two land masses

The Isthmus of Tehuantepec in southern Mexico has been identified so frequently over the years as the Book of Mormon's narrow neck of land that isthmuses deserve special attention. See the article entitled "Isthmuses" in this blog for relevant information about the Tehuantepec area and an analysis of 53 prominent isthmuses around the world. The result: Tehuantepec, at 216 kilometers, is the widest isthmus on earth. It is so large that some geographic authorities do not consider it an isthmus at all, but rather part of a continental landmass. The narrowest quartile of isthmuses in our study ranged in width from 40 meters to 250 meters. The second quartile ranged from 370 meters to the median width of 2.96 kilometers. The third quartile ranged from 3.75 to 12 kilometers in width. This means that three fourths of the 52 isthmuses in our sample were 12 kilometers wide or less and seven eighths were 30 kilometers wide or less. Where does this leave an isthmus 216 kilometers from sea to sea? In a class by itself. Off the charts. An outlier orders of magnitude removed from the median and the mean. Does the description "narrow neck of land" fit the Isthmus of Tehuantepec? No, for several reasons.

• Scriptural use of the word "narrow" as an unmodified adjective in either the Book of Mormon or the Old Testament describing the objects gate, path, way, course, strip of wilderness, or pass reference sizes from a few meters to perhaps 5 kilometers in width. Anything wider than 5 kilometers begins to be problematic when the relevant passages are read in context. When the Nephites used the word "narrow" as an adjective, they were probably referring to something 5 kilometers wide or smaller.
• We analyzed 15 known examples of land forms called a "neck." Our examples come from 6 different countries. Widths range from 110 meters to 23 kilometers. When English speakers use the word "neck" to describe a strip of land, they generally do not have in mind anything wider than 23 kilometers. In order to qualify as a "narrow neck of land" a neck should probably not exceed 5 kilometers in width.
• Based on a sample of 53 isthmuses around the world, in order to qualify as a "narrow neck of land" an isthmus should probably not exceed the median width of 2.96 kilometers.  

8. A narrow passage Mormon 2:29 led between the land northward and the land southward, which means it was at the border between the lands of Bountiful on the south and Desolation on the north. This narrow passage may be the same geographic feature as the narrow pass referenced in point #6 above. Whether one considers it a unique land form or another name for the narrow pass, this feature probably did not exceed 1 or 2 kilometers in width with a few dozen or hundreds of meters more likely.

This concludes our look at every use of the word "narrow" in the Book of Mormon. We now have the delicious opportunity to examine what the Nephites meant by the word "small."

1. The voice of an angel 1 Nephi 17:45 and the voice of the Lord 3 Nephi 11:3 can both be small.
2. In the last days, the church of the Lamb of God will have small holdings and influence around the world 1 Nephi 14:12 compared with the much larger and more powerful church of the devil. If we take the official membership of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints at the end of 2011 (14,441,346 - Deseret News 2013 Church News Almanac) and divide it by the total population of the planet (7,074,189,326 - U.S. Census Bureau World Population Clock accessed March 23, 2013) we get the number .00204 or in other words 2/10ths of 1%.

3. The 16 transparent stones the brother of Jared held in his hands while he climbed to the top of Mount Shelem Ether 3:1 were small. They probably weighed less than 200 grams (.44 pounds) apiece.
4. The 8 Jaredite barges were small Ether 2:16. Each vessel was the length of a tree Ether 2:17 which probably means from 15 to 35 meters in length. Working with the family sizes given in the book of Ether: Brother of Jared 22 Ether 6:20; Jared 12 Ether 6:20; Friends of Jared and his brother 22 Ether 6:16 we infer that approximately 80 people crossed the ocean in the 8 Jaredite barges, or approximately 10 passengers per barge. Each vessel also carried animals and food stores Ether 6:4 adequate for a 344 day Ether 6:11 voyage .As a point of comparison, the ark of Noah was 300 cubits long Genesis 6:15 or approximately 135 meters. As a second point of comparison, Hagoth's ocean-going ship was exceedingly large and accommodated many passengers with their provisions Alma 63:5-6.
5. Isaiah said the Israelites had disregarded the prophets of God for so long they no longer considered their sins or disobedience a serious problem. It had become a small thing to them to weary (vex) the men God had sent among them 2 Nephi 17:13.
6. The Lord, quoting Isaiah 54, says that he abandoned Israel for a small moment 3 Nephi 22:7, but in the last days he will gather her again. If we take the abandonment of Israel as the ca. 720 B.C. date when the Assyrian destruction of the Northern Kingdom was complete and the gathering as the April 6, 1830 date when The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints was formally established on earth, then the "small moment" is about 2,550 years.
7. At the waters of Mormon near the city of Nephi, the young prophet Alma₁ hid from King Noah's guards in a thicket of small trees Mosiah 18:5. These trees probably did not exceed 15 meters in height. Large trees in the Guatemalan rain forest canopy are typically 30 to 45 meters high.
8. The founding prophet, Nephi₁ called the pointers in the Liahona where divine script appeared from time to time "small means" 1 Nephi 16:29. These minor interventions from God brought about great results. Alma₂ took up the same theme when he commissioned his son, Helaman₁, to be the Nephite record keeper. Minor miracles from God had kept and would keep the plates of brass and other Nephite metallic records bright and free from decay. By these small means Alma 37:6-7 great and important results would follow. Alma₂ then reiterated that the miracles surrounding the Liahona were "small means" that wrought "marvelous works" Alma 37:41. One is reminded of Pres. Monson's remark that "the door of history turns on small hinges" ("Finishers Wanted," Ensign June, 1989).
9. Nephi₁ made two set of plates for record keeping. The large plates containing secular history passed down through his own descendants who were the Nephite kings. The small plates containing spiritual matters passed down through his brother Jacob's descendants who were the Nephite priests. Jacob 1:1, Jarom 1:2 and Jarom 1:14 all describe the plates as small. The size of the plates probably does not refer to their physical dimensions, but rather to the number of plates bound together in a volume.
10. Nephite record keepers also described their own and other's writings as small. This was because a) Mormon's writings on his own plates were an abridgment of a much larger Nephite archive 3 Nephi 5:15; b) divine command limited how much from Nephi₁'s glorious visions could be committed to writing; c) the logistical difficulty of manufacturing and then engraving on plates limited how much could be recorded Jacob 4:2; d) Mormon was under a divine mandate to be concise Mormon 5:9; e) articulating feelings is inherently difficult Alma 26:16; f) any one man, even a prophet, will have limited written output Jacob 7:27; g) the  small plates, by design, were compact compared with Nephi₁'s large plates Words of Mormon 1:3.
11. "Great and small" is a phrase modifying and illustrating the comprehensive nature of "all things" taught by the risen Lord to the Nephites 3 Nephi 26:1. cf. 1 Samuel 30:19. "Both small and great" also describes all people who will stand before the judgment bar of Christ Mormon 9:13 in a theme repeated by the prophet Moroni Moroni 10:27 at the end of his writings.
12. When internal strife among the Nephites decreased somewhat in the 48th year of the reign of the judges (ca. 44 B.C.) "wars and contentions began to cease, in a small degree" Helaman 3:22.
13. The word "small" appears most frequently in Nephite writ describing a group of people, often in a military context.

• Mosiah 11:16 In the days of King Noah, Lamanites slew small numbers of Nephites working their fields and tending their flocks. These "small numbers" of Nephite casualties were probably in the range of 5 to 25 people.
• Mosiah 19:2 After a series of military encounters with the Lamanites, the forces of King Noah were small, having been reduced. They were probably in the range of 500 - 2,000 men at arms. A given population can only support a small percentage of their numbers in active military service at any point in time. One of the most heavily militarized societies the world has ever known, North Korea, has a population of 24,720,000 (CIA World Factbook). According to the U.S.State Department, the country has 1,210,000 active duty military personnel. That means 4.89% of North Koreans are in the armed forces as their full-time jobs, one of the highest ratios known in modern times. The number of people subject to King Noah must have been at least 20,000 and probably did not exceed 40,000. That estimate is based on several metrics: a) The original military expedition Zeniff was part of considered themselves powerful enough to destroy the Lamanite army Mosiah 9:1 in the land of Nephi; b) the population of Zeniff's colony must have been at minimum several thousand to have rebuilt both the city of Nephi and the city of Shilom Mosiah 9:8; c) in their first major battle with the  Lamanites, the Zeniff colony suffered 279 war dead and killed 3,043 of the enemy; d)  in their second major battle with the Lamanites, the Zeniff colony killed an even greater undetermined number of Lamanites Mosiah 10:20; e) by imposing a 20% tax on his subjects, King Noah was able to undertake ambitious public works Mosiah 11:8; f) About 450 of Noah's former subjects Mosiah 18:35 followed Alma₁ into the wilderness. If Noah's subjects numbered 40,000 and Noah's standing army constituted 5% of the population of his kingdom, his "small" forces would have numbered about 2,000 soldiers.   
• Mosiah 20:2 A small number of Lamanite maidens gathered together in the land of Shemlon to sing and dance. 24 of them were abducted by the wicked priests of King Noah Mosiah 20:5 and taken into the wilderness. Reading these verses in context, it is clear that the "small number" of young women was at least 24 (if the singing and dancing events being described happened on different days) and probably did not exceed 100 (if the events being described all happened on the same day).
• Mosiah 21:25 King Limhi send a small expeditionary force into the wilderness to search for the land of Zarahemla. In this case, "small number of men" meant 43 Mosiah 8:7. 
• Mosiah 28:1 says the four sons of Mosiah and a "small number" of friends approached King Mosiah₂ asking permission to undertake a dangerous mission to the Lamanites. In Alma 20:2 we learn the names of 2 of the friends: Muloki and Ammah. Alma 21:13 says Aaron and a "certain number" of his brethren were cast into prison in the land of Middoni, while the remainder of his brethren escaped into surrounding regions. Based on these verses, we infer that the "small number" of Nephite missionaries headed by Ammon, Aaron, Omner and Himni was at least 20 and probably did not exceed 50.
• Mosiah 29:29 In the Nephite republic instituted by Mosiah₂ one of the governmental checks and balances allowed a small number of lower judges to unseat a higher judge who had not judged righteously according to the voice of the people. In this case, the "small number" was probably between 3 on the low end and 9 on the high end. Israelite tradition seated an odd number of judges in a Sanhedrin in order to avoid tie votes (Talmud, tractate Sanhedrin), a tradition that continues to this day in the Supreme Court of the United States.
• Alma 46:33 Captain Moroni pursued the traitor Amalickiah and his armies into the wilderness south of Manti where most of them were apprehended and forcibly repatriated back to the greater land of Zarahemla. Unfortunately for the Nephites, Amalickiah himself and a small number of his men escaped further south to the land of Nephi where Amalickiah eventually became the Lamanite emperor Alma 47:35. In this case, Amalickiah's "small number" was probably at least 50 but fewer than 500 men.
• Alma 52:22 Teancum with a small number of men decoyed the Lamanites out of the city of Mulek and led them on a high speed wild goose chase northward up the Nephite east coast. This allowed part of Moroni's larger army to re-occupy the city of Mulek. The number of men Teancum commanded on this special operation must have been at least a few hundred. Otherwise, the entire Lamanite army stationed in Mulek would not have given chase. How many fighters did the Lamanites have in Mulek? Probably a few thousand. They were defending a highly fortified city, and Captain Moroni's fortification design allowed a modest number of men to hold a city as long as they remained inside the defensive perimeter. Teancum's "small number" was likely between 300 and 1,000 men. Lehi's defensive garrison guarding the city of Bountiful probably numbered 2,000 to 3,000. Moroni's larger force was probably in the 10,000 to 20,000 range. This would have put total Nephite troop strength on the north eastern front at roughly 13,000 to 25,000 men. This seems reasonable given the number of men Helaman₁ reported (6,000 to 16,000 see the article "Population Sizes & Casualty Counts" in this blog) in his various campaigns on the south western front.
• Alma 52:27 When Teancum with Lamanites in hot pursuit reached almost to the city Bountiful, Lehi and a small army came south, joined Teancum's forces, and engaged the enemy. Lehi's "small army" was clearly larger than Teancum's "small number of men." A contemporary commander, Helaman₁, considered 2,000 reinforcements to be a "small force" Alma 58:12. Applying the logic outlined in the discussion of Alma 52:22 above, Lehi's "small army" probably numbered between 2,000 and 3,000 troops. Did it take that many men to hold one of Captain Moroni's fortified cities against invasion? That is one of the most fascinating questions in all of Nephite military history. See the article "Captain Moroni in Space and Time" in this blog for a detailed discussion of Captain Moroni's military engineering genius and the false sense of security it gave the Nephites until they got experience holding one of their fortified cities against a vastly superior Lamanite force. Inside a fortified city, could a Nephite force of 500 hold off a Lamanite force of 10,000? That would be 1:20 leverage. Given Amalickiah's blitzkrieg from south to north up the Nephite east coast Alma 51:26, the 1:20 ratio seems excessive. 1:10 is more likely. Holding the city Bountiful was an all-important Nephite military objective during Captain Moroni's career. Lehi and his "small army" probably thought they were prepared for a worst case scenario - fending off a Lamanite invasion of 15, 20 or even 25,000 men. Lehi also enjoyed a qualitative advantage. Captain Moroni deployed his best troops in Bountiful Alma 51:31 which is why Alma 52:36 calls them "strong men."
• Alma 55:6-7 reports the curious incident of Laman, one of the former Lamanite king's guards who fled  from the land of Nephi north into the land of Melek Alma 47:29 when Amalickiah assassinated his sovereign. 9 years later, Laman was a military leader fighting for the Nephites on the north eastern front when Captain Moroni selected him for a special operation. Laman took a small number of his men and they carried wine to the Lamanite guards standing watch over the city of Gid where many Nephite prisoners of war were incarcerated. Since the mission of Laman's small group was to interact with sentries on guard duty, they probably numbered about 10 or 20 men. Any fewer than 10 would have had difficulty transporting very much wine. Any more than 20 would probably have intimidated and frightened the guards.
• Alma 58:1 In his lengthy epistle to his commanding officer, Captain Moroni, Helaman₁ recounted Nephite military campaigns to defend Judea and re-take the cities of Antiparah, Cumeni and Manti. As the 29th year of the judges (ca. 63 B.C.) played out, Manti was the only Nephite city along the south western front still in Lamanite hands. Facing a vastly superior Lamanite force Alma 58:8, the Nephites hoped to decoy the enemy out of their fortified stronghold at Manti by parading small bands of fighting men as tempting targets past the city. Remembering similar Nephite tactics in other cities (Antiparah, Mulek) that had led them into traps, the Lamanites did not fall for the decoy. Like Teancum's "small number" of men at Mulek Alma 52:22,  Helaman₁'s "small bands" were probably between 300 and 1,000 men.
• Alma 58:12 While plotting their strategy to re-take Manti, Helaman₁ and the other Nephite commanders on the south western front received 2,000 reinforcements from the central government in the local land of Zarahemla Alma 58:8. This "small force" of 2,000 men gave the weary Nephite army a morale boost at a critical point in their long war.
• Alma 58:16 The Nephite strategy to re-take Manti was to encamp their main army on the wilderness side of the city, with a small number of men hidden in two places just off the beaten path. When the Lamanites pursued the main Nephite army into the wilderness, the two small groups at their rear converged and overpowered first the Lamanite spies following their column and second the guards who had been left behind in the city of Manti. The "small number of men" with Gid were probably a force of 200 to 500 men. Ditto the "small number of men" with Teomner.
• Alma 58:32 Helaman₁ lamented to Captain Moroni that Nephite forces were stretched very thin, that their armies were small to maintain the large amount of territory then under Nephite control. Months earlier, before the siege of Cumeni, this same Helaman₁ exulted that the main Nephite army in the south western front was strong Alma 57:6-8. The "strong" army numbered somewhat less than 16,000 men. See the blog article "Population Sizes and Casualty Counts" for the arithmetic behind the 16,000 count. The Nephites then suffered "great loss" in the battle for Cumeni Alma 57:23 and received 2,000 reinforcements Alma 58:8. So, the "small" army also numbered close to 16,000 men. Helaman₁'s descriptions of strong or small must be taken in context. A force of 16,000 was strong when compared with the hungry Lamanite defenders desperately trying to hold Cumeni. When Lamanite reinforcements arrived from Manti, the Nephite army was not so strong anymore. In fact, the Nephites nearly lost the battle for Cumeni Alma 57:18. With all the Lamanite forces in the south western quarter of the greater land of Zarahemla ammassed in and around the city of Manti, the Nephites' mere 16,000 men were clearly inadequate Alma 58:2 when confronting a foe that was "innumerable" Alma 58:8. After the Nephites liberated Manti, Lamanite military forces abandoned the south western front for a time Alma 58:30. This was the situation when Helaman₁ wrote his lament to Captain Moroni. The Nephite military was responsible for defending Judea, Antiparah, the city beyond, Cumeni, Zeezrom and Manti along the southwestern flank of the greater land of  Zarahemla, plus all points north of that southern tier. If it required 2,000 men to defend a fortified city (see the discussion of Alma 52:27 above) then a force of 12,000 would be required just to hold those 6 named cities against an enemy onslaught that could happen practically at any time with little warning. Helaman₁ was right. The Nephite army was stretched too thin. They simply lacked the manpower resources ca. 63 B.C. to adequately defend the vast expanse of territory they nominally controlled.
• Alma 62:3 Captain Moroni ca. 62 B.C. was still engaged with the Lamanites along the east coast when he learned that the king men had reared their ugly heads again in the local land of Zarahemla, forcing the chief governor, Parhoran (critical text orthography) to set up a government in exile east of Sidon in the land of Gideon. Captain Moroni took a small number of men with him to Gideon, leaving most of his forces under the command of Lehi and Teancum along the eastern front. The number of troops Captain Moroni took with him to Gideon was probably between 200 and 500. Recruiting thousands along his line of march Alma 62:5, he arrived in Gideon with a sizable force and quickly restored legitimate government in the local land of Zarahemla. Notice how the ca. 62 B.C. operation was reversed from a similar expedition 5 years earlier. In the ca. 67 B.C. campaign, Captain Moroni took most of his army with him to put down the king men in the local land of Zarahemla Alma 51:17-18. This left the newly-constructed, fortified cities of Moroni, Lehi, Morianton, Omner, Gid and Mulek lightly defended Alma 51:23 and within a very short period of time all 6 cities fell into Lamanite hands Alma 51:26. (Note that Alma 51:26 contains a known error in the 1981 LDS text. See the article entitled "Scribal Error" in this blog. Royal Skousen has correctly emended this verse in his critical text to read "Moroni" in lieu of "Nephihah.")
• Helaman 1:24 describes the rapid assault of Coriantumr and his Lamanites on the local land of Zarahemla and the most capital parts of the land. Captain Moronihah had the Nephite standing army deployed in the borders of the land. Coriantumr thus encountered light resistance as his forces cut down small bodies of men in the center of the land. In this context "small bodies" probably meant ad hoc neighborhood groups of 30 to 100 men.
• 4 Nephi 1:20 A golden era of peace following the Savior's glorious appearance in the land Bountiful lasted approximately 200 years. Toward the end of that period, a small part of the people dissented away from the church and began to call themselves "Lamanites." This ominous development signaled the end of the Pax Cristiana that had prevailed for generations. How many were "a small part of the people?" Mormon said the unified Nephites and Lamanites had "multiplied" during the 200 years of harmony and prosperity until "they were spread upon all the face of the land ..." 4 Nephi 1:23. Taking the days of Captain Moroni (ca. 75 B.C. to 60 B.C.) as our benchmark (because the war chapters offer some demographic data to work with) we estimate total Nephite population at that time to be 600,000. That is based on 40,000 men at arms X 15 which assumes that 6.66% of the population was on active duty in the armed forces. The 40,000 count is an extrapolation based on the solid number of 16,000  Helaman₁ reported as the Nephite troop strength along the south western front (see the blog article entitled "Population Sizes and Casualty Counts"). We estimate total Lamanite population in our benchmark era to be 1,800,000 based on Nephite scribal comments such as Jarom 1:6, Mosiah 25:3 and Helaman 4:25. So, we estimate total Nephite + Lamanite population at 2,400,000 ca. 60 B.C.  By ca. 200 A.D. the combined population was much higher, perhaps as high as 7,500,000, practically all of whom belonged to the church. So, the "small part of the people" who left the church and began calling themselves "Lamanites" were probably on the order of 20,000 to 50,000 people.
• Ether 9:9 Nimrah, angry with his father, king Akish, gathered a small number of men and traveled to Ablom by the seashore where he joined forces with the exiled king Omer. This "small number" was probably on the order of 10 to 30.

14. The power of the Lord often looks small to people who lack spiritual discernment Ether 3:5.

15. Amulek was a man of no small reputation among his family, friends and neighbors in the city of Ammonihah Alma 10:4.

16. The Nephites had lands, cities, villages and small villages Alma 8:7. Lands were approximately analogous to modern counties. Cities probably had at least a few thousand inhabitants. Villages probably had at least a few hundred residents. Small villages probably had a few families. For a more comprehensive look at Nephite polities, see the article "Nephite Politcial Geography" in this blog.
17. Captain Moroni not only fortified Nephite cities. He also had the Nephites build small forts so his troops had multiple places to defend themselves against Lamanite attack Alma 48:8. These small forts were probably stockades or palisades designed to protect a few hundred people.
18. This exercise in ferreting meaning from Nephite usage of the term "small" provides background to help us understand Alma 22:32 that describes a small neck of land between the land northward and the land southward. Is the small neck of land the same geographic feature as the narrow neck of land mentioned in Alma 63:5 and Ether 10:20? Yes. We know that because the same motifs appear in all 3 scriptural passages:
a) the narrow or small neck was located near the land northward/land southward boundary which is also the land Desolation/land Bountiful boundary; b) it was on the seacoast (2 of the 3 passages identify the sea as the West Sea); and c) it was a travel corridor for people going northward or southward. How large could the small neck of land have been? Based on our analysis of Nephite usage of the term "small," anything larger than 20 kilometers seems completely out of the question with 5 kilometers being a more likely upper limit. This is precisely in line with our analysis of the word "narrow" earlier in this article.

Isthmuses

I have the pleasure of conversing with V. Garth Norman frequently. He is one of the most astute students of the Book of Mormon in our generation. He, along with many others, believes the narrow neck of land referenced in Alma 63:5, Ether 10:20 and possibly Alma 22:32 is the entire Isthmus of Tehuantepec in southern Mexico. I do not believe the text supports that correlation. This article will place Tehuantepec in context among the isthmuses of the world to lay the foundation for relevant Book of Mormon exegesis.

Geographers identify the Isthmus of Tehuantepec as that land in Mexico between the 94th and 96th meridians of west longitude. Its surface area (including water) is 57,629 square kilometers. That is larger than any of the 9 smallest states in the U.S. and nearly the size of West Virginia.

• 14.40 times larger than Rhode Island, 4,002 square kilometers
• 8.94 times larger than Delaware, 6,447 square kilometers
• 4.01 times larger than Connecticut, 14,357 square kilometers
• 2.55 times larger than New Jersey, 22,588 square kilometers
• 2.38 times larger than New Hampshire, 24,216 square kilometers
• 2.31 times larger than Vermont, 24,901 square kilometers
• 2.11 times larger than Massachusetts, 27,336 square kilometers
• 2.04 times larger than Hawaii, 28,311 square kilometers
• 1.79 times larger than Maryland, 32,133 square kilometers
• 91.83% as large as West Virginia, 62,755 square kilometers

The Isthmus of Tehuantepec is larger than dozens of countries on earth including Croatia (56,594 square kilometers), Denmark (43,094 square kilometers), Taiwan (36,193 squarer kilometers) or Israel (20,770 square kilometers). Placing a north-south transect at the narrowest point, the width of the isthmus between the Gulf of Mexico (Gulf of Campeche) and the Pacific Ocean (Gulf of Tehuantepec) is 216 kilometers. Placing an east-west transect between the 94th and 96th meridians of west longitude, the length of the isthmus is 211 kilometers. The Isthmus of Tehuantepec, as defined by geographers, is shown as a white polygon on the map below. As with all images on this blog, click to enlarge.

Isthmus of Tehuantepec in white, surface area 57,629 square kilometers

Parts of 4 Mexican states are included in the isthmus: Oaxaca, Veracruz, Tabasco and Chiapas. The name comes from the Oaxacan town of Santo Domingo Tehuantepec. The name "Tehuantepec" derives from the Nahuatl "tecuani-tepec" or "jaguar hill". Shortly before the Spanish conquest, the Aztecs conquered Santo Domingo Tehuantepec, but only after a prolonged siege battle. The locals fought ferociously from fortified positions on a prominent hill (summit 120 meters) east of the Tehuantepec River. This Google Earth view shows the hill just above the yellow line representing the Tehuantepec River, on the right hand side of the image with the modern town built up around it.

Modern town of Santo Domingo Tehuantepec showing jaguar hill

Because the natives fought like jaguars on their hill, the Aztecs named the place tecuani-tepec.

4 major river systems drained the isthmus during Book of Mormon times: the Papaloapan, Coatzacoalcos, Tehuantepec and Mezcalapa-Grijalva (today the Tonala). On the  map below, the Mezcalapa-Grijalva system (as it flowed in Book of Mormon times - see the article "Wandering River" in this blog) is in blue, the Usumacinta is in red, other rivers are in yellow, the continental divide is in white, and the trans-isthmian railroad is shown in magenta. It requires 302 kilometers of track for the railway to connect Salina Cruz, Oaxaca with Coatzacoalcos, Veracruz. The railroad crosses the continental divide at Chivela Pass, altitude 224 meters.

Isthmian rivers, continental divide and railroad

Chivela Pass funnels prevailing winds, known as Tehuanos, from south to north. Occasionally, contrary winds blow through the pass in the opposite direction, from north to south, with such force that they have been known to sandblast paint from ships in the Gulf of Tehuantepec. The largest wind power project in Latin America is currently under development on the Oaxacan side of the isthmus. Elevations within the isthmus range from 2,500 meters to sea level. Five different climatic zones are present in this area. The following map shows the world standard Koppen climate classification system for Mexico.

Koppen climate map of Mexico showing five zones within the isthmus

In general, the southern side of the isthmus is much drier than the northern side. This is graphically shown in a NASA true color satellite image taken in April at the height of the dry season.

NASA Blue Marble image of the isthmian region in April

Satellite images of the earth's lights at night provide a good visual representation of relative population density. Notice that in the Tehuantepec region, both coasts are heavily populated while the interior Selva Zoque remains largely in its natural state.

NASA image of the earth's lights at night

This same pattern held true anciently. Plotting archaeological sites known to science from the EAAMS database, we find settlement activity on both coasts with a large blank spot in the middle.

Known archaeological sites

The point is that the Isthmus of Tehuantepec is a very large place with a great deal of physiographic and cultural diversity. How large is it? It is the widest isthmus on the planet (Panama is the longest). Geographers consider anything wider than Tehuantepec part of a continental land mass rather than an isthmus. Some geographers even consider Tehuantepec too wide to be classified as an isthmus. Here is a comprehensive, although not exhaustive, list of generally accepted isthmuses (aka isthmi) organized in ascending order by width at the narrowest point:

Isthmuses of the World
Isthmus	Between	and	Width (km)	Notes
Bruny Island, Tasmania	North Bruny	South Bruny	0.04
Olympia, Washington	West Olympia	East Olympia	0.04
Nahant, Massachusetts	Nahant	Masachusetts	0.06
Quetrihue, Argentina	Quetrihue Peninsula	Neuquen, Argentina	0.09
Mavis Grind, Shetland Islands	North Mavine Peninsula	Shetland	0.11
La Coupee, Sark, Channel Islands	Little Sark	Sark	0.12
Eaglehawk Neck, Tasmania	Tasman Peninsula	Tasmania	0.14
Portland Beach, U.K.	Portland Bill	Dorset, England	0.16
Bardsey Island, U.K.	North Bardsey	South Bardsey	0.19
Derbyhaven, U.K.	Langness Peninsula	Isle of Man	0.20
Coronado, California	Coronado Island	California	0.25
Saint Pierre and Miquelon, Newfoundland	Island of Miquelon	Langlade Island	0.25
Sutton, Dublin, Ireland	Howth	Ireland	0.37
Cape Clear Island, Ireland	Gathabawn	Cape Clear	0.43
Kushimoto, Japan	Cape Shiono-Misaki	Honshu Island	0.47
Catalina Island, California	Western Catalina	Eastern Catalina	0.61
Munoz Gamero Peninsula, Chile	Munoz Gamero	Chile	0.80
Madison, Wisconsin	Lake Mendota	Lake Monona	0.93
Bolbs, Spain	Gibraltar	Spain	1.08
Potidea, Greece	Kassandra Peninsula	Greece	1.08
East Falkland Island	Northern East Falkland	Southern East Falkland	1.24
Sechelt, British Columbia	Sechelt Peninsula	Canada	1.25
Llondudno, Wales	Great Orme	Wales	1.29
Rongotai, New Zealand	Miramar Peninsula	North Island, N.Z.	1.31
Similk Beach, Washington	Fidalgo Island	Washington	1.75
Tarbert, Scotland	Kintyre Peninsula	Scotland	2.17
			2.96	median
Auckland, New Zealand	Northern Peninsula	North Island, N.Z.	3.75
Seattle, Washington	Puget Sound	Lake Washington	4.00
Medanos, Venezuela	Medanos Peninsula	Venezuela	4.05
Summerside, Prince Edward Island	Western P.E.I.	Prince Edward Island	4.12
Carlos Ameghino, Argentina	Valdes Peninsula	Chubut, Argentina	5.07
Avalon, Newfoundland	Avalon Peninsula	Newfoundland	5.75
Corinth, Greece	Peloponnese Peninsula	Greece	5.80	etymological origin
Perekop, Crimea	Crimea	Ukraine	9.46
Westfjords, Iceland	Westfjords Peninsula	Iceland	9.47
Rhins of Galloway, Scotland	Galloway Peninsula	Scotland	9.60
Maui, Hawaii	West Maui	Maui	11.00
Quezon, Philippines	Bicol Peninsula	Luzon	12.00
Punta Arenas, Chile	Brunswick Peninsula	Chile	15.00
Rivas, Nicaragua	Lake Nicaragua	Pacific Ocean	18.00
			20.20	mean
Ofqui, Chile	Taitao Peninsula	Chile	21.00
Chignecto, Nova Scotia	Nova Scotia	Canada	24.00
Adam's Bridge (former isthmus), India	India	Sri Lanka	29.00
Catanzaro, Italy	Calabria Peninsula	Italy	30.00
Kra Isthmus, Thailand	Malay Peninsula	Asia	43.00
Karelian Isthmus, Russia	Gulf of Finland	Lake Ladoga	46.00
Forth-Clyde, Scotland	Scottish Highlands	Central Lowlands	50.00
Panama	Central America	South America	57.00
Suez, Egypt	Sinai Peninsula	Egypt	122.00
Olonets, Russia	Lake Onega	Lake Ladoga	125.00
Onega, Russia	Lake Onega	White Sea	154.00
Tehuantepec, Mexico	North America	Central America	216.00
			20.20	mean
			2.96	median

If you want to play around with the data, you can download the Excel spreadsheet here by clicking on file, then download.

The word "isthmus" derives from the Greek "isthmos" meaning "neck". The use of the term in geography originated with the Isthmus of Corinth which is 5.80 kilometers wide at its narrowest point.

Isthmus of Corinth (Korinthos) in Greece

The Isthmus of Corinth joins the Peloponnese Peninsula to the Greek mainland. It is about 7.45 kilometers long and has a surface area of approximately 56 square kilometers. The modern Greek village of Isthmia is at the narrowest point of the isthmus.

Isthmus of Corinth closeup

The Isthmus of Paracas in Peru, 4.61 kilometers wide, is typical. The atypical Isthmus of Tehuantepec is 37 times wider (216 kilometers/5.80 kilometers) than the Isthmus of Corinth which defines the genre.

Ammonihah Noah & Sidom all East of Sidon

On Thursday, August 2, 2012 I had a lengthy conversation with John L. Sorenson following his excellent presentation at the FAIR Conference about his forthcoming book, Mormon's Codex. I promised to send him an article demonstrating from the Book of Mormon that the associated Nephite polities Ammonihah, Noah and Sidom were all east of Sidon, not west of the river as most students of the text have assumed for more than 100 years. This is that article in PDF format: Ammonihah Noah & Sidom all East of Sidon. Since many browser-based PDF viewers lack functionality, you may wish to click on File and Download to read the PDF in a native viewer on your local machine.
--
Some of this material was presented at the 10th Annual BMAF Lands of the Book of Mormon Conference held at the Salt Lake Sheraton on Saturday, October 20, 2012. You can view that presentation in this YouTube video filmed and edited by Robert Starling. The first 13 minutes of the video deal with the Ammonihah East of Sidon issue. The final 47 minutes of the video show John W. (Jack) Welch and me presenting a history of Book of Mormon Studies in the 20th Century.
--
My intent with this material is to be provocative. I believe the Book of Mormon deserves to be taken seriously by much larger audiences worldwide. Demonstrating a verifiable New World setting after 182 years (1830 - 2012) would go a long way toward establishing the kind of credibility that would invite global interest in the book. Book of Mormon geography has been a fringe topic within LDS culture for generations, mired in ambiguity which has bred controversy. With the confluence of Royal Skousen's critical text, detailed historical-contextual exegesis from scholars such as Grant Hardy, and the unprecedented power and accessibility of Google Earth, significant progress toward a viable consensus map now seems possible. This article is an attempt to move the dial in that direction.
--
Ammonihah, Noah & Sidom all East of Sidon
For well over a century, almost all Book of Mormon geography models have located the associated Nephite polities Ammonihah, Noah and Sidom west of river Sidon. Here are a few examples, beginning with Jeremy Skidmore's artistic representation.

Ammonihah, Noah and Sidom, west of river Sidon, outlined in red

Joel Hardy originated this handy block diagram. Notice that he posits two cities of Aaron, one near Ammonihah and another east of the river near Nephihah and Moroni.

Ammonihah, Noah and Sidom, west of river Sidon, outlined in red

This useful image came from a presentation Steve Carr gave in 2008 at the 6th Annual BMAF Lands of the Book of Mormon Conference in Salt Lake City.

Ammonihah, Noah and Sidom, west of Sidon, outlined in red

John L. Sorenson's highly influential internal map has received wide distribution.

Ammonihah, Noah and Sidom, west of Sidon, outlined in red

P. Douglas Kiester is a dedicated student of the text with many innovative ideas. His Sidon is in northwestern Colombia just south of Panama.

Ammonihah, west of Sidon, outlined in red

The late Daniel H. Ludlow first created this internal map. Versions of it have been widely published in Church Educational System (CES) manuals.

Ammonihah, Noah and Sidom, west of Sidon, outlined in red

Joseph L. Allen is the dean of Book of Mormon tour guides. He and his son, Blake, published this map in 2008. Their Sidon is the Grijalva River in southern Mexico.

Ammonihah, west of Sidon, outlined in red

We could continue multiplying examples, but you get the idea.

The Church in Zarahemla

We begin with an interesting research question: Could we locate the seven churches Alma₁ founded in the greater land of Zarahemla Mosiah 25:23 ca. 120 B.C.? Terms of  interest in the text include variations of:

• baptize
• church
• establish
• ordain
• order
• people of God
• priests and teachers
• regulate

Alma₁ founded a church in the wilderness of Mormon near the local land of Nephi ca. 147 B.C. Mosiah 18:17, Mosiah 23:16 when he was about 26 years old. We derive his age by calculating backward from Mosiah 29:45. 27 years later, ca. 120 B.C., Alma₁ and his flock of several hundred Mosiah 18:35 arrived in the local land of Zarahemla Mosiah 24:25 where King Mosiah₂ immediately recognized Alma's priesthood and moral authority Mosiah 25:14. Soon, Alma₁ had founded seven churches throughout the greater land of Zarahemla Mosiah 25:23.

Had the church existed in the greater land of Zarahemla before Alma₁ arrived ca. 120 B.C.? Yes. King Benjamin called priests to teach the gospel Mosiah 6:3 and Ammon at the court of King Limhi knew he held priesthood authority to baptize although he felt personally unworthy to exercise it Mosiah 21:33. But, Alma₁ was such a towering spiritual figure that King Mosiah₂ entrusted him with ecclesiastical affairs Mosiah 26:8 as the senior high priest Mosiah 26:7 throughout the greater land of Zarahemla.

How large were the church congregations Alma₁ established? The text does not say, but we have some parameters to consider:

• As a young church leader in the land of Mormon, Alma₁ consecrated one priest for every fifty congregants Mosiah 18:18. Multiple priests and teachers were ordained for each church unit Mosiah 25:19 in Zarahemla. So, a few hundred believers was probably the minimum number required to plant a new church.
• Another name for churches was "bodies" Mosiah 25:21. The text explicitly says the church bodies in Alma's day were large Mosiah 25:15.
• One criterion for dividing people into a new church body was simply the number of people who could gather in one place and listen to a speaker together Mosiah 25:20. This implies an upper limit of several thousand members per congregation.
• In the great awakening that followed the Amlicite war, about 3,500 people joined the church throughout the greater land of Zarahemla in one year Alma 4:5. 

We know that Alma₁ regulated the affairs of the church Mosiah 26:37 supported by an able lay ministry Mosiah 27:5. During his 29 year tenure as the presiding high priest in the greater land of Zarahemla, many people were baptized Mosiah 26:37, some of them by Alma₁ himself Mosiah 25:18. The aged leader ordained his son, Alma_2 , to succeed him as high priest over the church Mosiah 29:42 and passed away ca. 91 B.C. at age 82 Mosiah 29:45. The text is silent about Alma's journeys on the preaching circuit or specifics about any individual church. We do know that the church of God was generally established throughout all the lands subject to King Mosiah₂ Mosiah 25:19, Mosiah 27:35. So, where were these lands and churches?

Fortunately, Alma₂ was one of the principal Nephite record keepers and we have detailed information about his life and ministry. Soon after Alma₂ was ordained high priest by his father and given charge over all the affairs of the church, he was also appointed chief judge by the voice of the people Mosiah 29:42. He occupied this dual role for approximately eight years from ca. 91 B.C. to ca. 83 B.C. Alma 4:18. During those years, he presided over capital cases Alma 1:14, led the Nephite armies in battle Alma 2:16, and baptized many in the waters of Sidon Alma 4:4. Then, in the ninth year of the reign of the judges, Alma₂ turned the chief judgeship over to Nephihah Alma 4:20 and began his famous missionary journeys bearing pure testimony Alma 4:19.

Alma₂ taught and ordained priests and teachers to preside and watch over the church that was previously established in the city of Zarahemla Alma 6:1. So, we know that one of the seven churches founded by Alma₁ was in the capital city of Zarahemla. Alma 5:1-2 implies that there were other churches in the local land of Zarahemla in addition to the one in the principal city. Analyzing ancient settlement pattern data in our proposed local land of Zarahemla, three densely populated regions stand out - the Emiliano Zapata area which we correlate with the city of Zarahemla, the Balancan area, and the Palenque area. These regions are shown as white circles (average radius 12.5 kilometers) in the map below.

3 areas with large populations anciently in our proposed
local land of Zarahemla

We propose that three of Alma's seven churches were in the local land of Zarahemla, roughly corresponding to the locations indicated in the map above.

Alma₂ then crossed the river and taught and established the order of the church in the land of Gideon as he had previously done in Zarahemla Alma 8:1. The church in Gideon, though, was already established before Alma's arrival Alma 6:8. In fact, Alma₂ apologized to the good people of Gideon - since becoming high priest over eight years ago, he had never before communicated with them face to face Alma 7:1. From this we learn that one of the seven churches founded by Alma₁ was in the land of Gideon.

One of Alma's seven churches was in Gideon

Next on Alma's itinerary was the land of Melek west of the river. Alma₂ taught and baptized Alma 8:4-5 in Melek as he had previously done in Zarahemla. This verbiage indicates he was working within an existing church organization as a visiting authority with convening power rather than calling leaders and planting a new church. So, another of Alma's seven churches was in the land of Melek.

Proposed land of Melek west of Sidon, another of
Alma's original seven churches

After Melek, Alma₂ ventured into hostile territory in apostate Ammonihah three day's north of Melek Alma 8:6. The church of Nehor, later led by Amlici, was headquartered in Ammonihah Alma 14:16-18, Alma 15:15, Alma 16:11. Nevertheless, the text makes it clear that prior to Nehor and Amlici the church of God had been established in Ammonihah.

• Nehor's preaching, particularly successful in Ammonihah, disparaged the true church Alma 1:3
• Nehor preached against the prevailing order of lay ministry among priests & teachers Alma 1:3
• Alma's original intent in Ammonihah was to teach and baptize just as he had done in Zarahemla and Melek Alma 8:8-10
• Amulek was a Nephite living in predominantly Amlicite Ammonihah Alma 8:20. Discussing events five years earlier, Mormon emphasized the contemporary meaning of the term "Nephite" in the post-Amlicite war era Alma 3:11. Thus, Amulek was a believer, a member of the church of God, albeit one who had backslid during much of his adult life Alma 10:5-6. Alma₂ did not have to baptize or ordain his missionary companion.
• Even though the Amlicites held a deep-seated aversion to the Nephite scriptures Alma 14:8, copies were widely available among the people of Ammonihah Alma 14:1.

Therefore, we suggest that one of Alma's seven original churches was in the land of Ammonihah. 

Proposed land of Ammonihah where the true church once existed

The seventh church we believe was probably in the land of Minon south of and upstream from the local land of Zarahemla, although nothing in the text explicitly indicates this. The only other candidates might be the lands of Noah or less likely, Manti, or the city of Aaron, all attested in the text by ca. 82 B.C. By the time of  Alma₂ and the four sons of Mosiah₂, Manti was well-established along the north south Zarahemla to Nephi corridor Alma 16:7, and eventually Alma₂ attempted to travel there Alma 17:1. In the ca. 120 B.C. time frame, though, when Alma₁ founded the seven churches, people were still getting lost trying to travel between Nephi and Zarahemla and vice versa (see the blog article "Water Fight on the River - Round Five"). It is not likely that Manti was part of the Nephite nation at that early date. Noah and Aaron are less likely than Minon simply because they are further away from the local land of Zarahemla. When Alma₂ got to the land of Sidom, ca. 81 B.C., he founded the church there Alma 15:13. Sidom was distant enough from the Nephite culture core it had only recently been brought into Zarahemla's orbit. The same was probably true for Noah and Aaron. So, we propose that one of Alma's seven churches was in the land of Minon.

Proposed seven churches in the greater land of Zarahemla

Mosiah 27:2 says that the seven churches founded by Alma₁ were in the "land round about" the city of Zarahemla. Mosiah 27:32 adds that they were "round about through all the land". The red line shows our interpretation of this circularity.

Seven churches in the land round about Zarahemla

How far distant were the seven church bodies from each other? In our correlation above, the red circle has a radius of 65 kilometers. The text says Alma's most arduous journey Alma 8:3 on this circuit was the one from the city of Zarahemla to Melek, shown in magenta on the map below. The term "take journey" in Nephite parlance implies long, tough travel.

Proposed journey from the city of Zarahemla to the land of Melek

The Zarahemla to Melek journey plotted above runs for 135 air (straight-line) kilometers which would require about 9 day's travel according to our standard metric (see the blog article "Land Southward Travel Times"). Highest elevation en route: 388 meters.

The text evidences an all too human pattern of societal upheaval followed by resurgent interest in religion. Some examples:

• In Mosiah 25, ca. 120 B.C., Nephite society in the greater land of Zarahemla was fundamentally transformed with the influx of Alma's and King Limhi's peoples. King Mosiah₂ authorized Alma₁ to establish churches throughout all the land Mosiah 25:19.
• In Alma 4, ca. 86 B.C., the Nephites were suffering because of the severe devastation brought on by the Amlicite war Alma 4:2-3. They began to establish the church more fully and many were baptized Alma 4:4.
• In Alma 45, ca. 73 B.C., the war with Zerahemnah caused massive casualties Alma 44:21 and major disruptions in the church Alma 45:21. Helaman led a nationwide renewal throughout the church organization Alma 45:22.
• In Alma 62, ca. 57 B.C., following the lengthy war with Amalickiah/Ammoron, the church was in disarray. Once again, Helaman led a resurgence throughout all the land Alma 62:44-46.

Sidon East then West

An interesting textual shift occurs at Alma 50:11, a passage describing events in the Nephite golden age ca. 72 - 71 B.C. Alma 50:23. Captain Moroni's ingenious fortifications worked so well at Noah (1,000+ Lamanites killed in action, 0 Nephites slain Alma 49:23) that the Nephites were busy erecting similar moats, walls & palisades around all of their settlements Alma 50:1. Nephite military forces cleared Lamanites from the east wilderness and drove them south of the east-west line that separated the greater land of Zarahemla on the north from the greater land of Nephi on the south Alma 50:7. Nephite settlers were brought in from the heavily populated local land of Zarahemla and environs to occupy the newly vacated eastern lands Alma 50:9. With the founding of the city of Moroni ca. 72 B.C. Alma 50:13 in the extreme south eastern corner of the greater land of Zarahemla, the process of colonizing the east coast that was well underway ca. 77 B.C. in the land of Jershon Alma 27:22 was nearing completion. Up to this point in the text, all of the action in the greater land of Zarahemla had been in the central riverine corridor and points east (all references to the west sea were in the lands of Bountiful and Desolation). Alma 50:11 marks an important turning point when the west began its ascendancy in Nephite affairs.

The word series "north, south, east, west" was formulaic among the Nephites to mean omni directional 2 Nephi 29:11, Mosiah 27:6, Helaman 1:31. The terms "east" and "west" as a duo are coupled 13 times in the text. The order is always east to west from Alma 22:27 through Alma 50:11. Then from Alma 50:34 to 3 Nephi 1:17 the order reverses and is always expressed west to east. To wit:
Alma 22:27        ca. 90 B.C.  sea on the east and on the west
Alma 22:27        ca. 90 B.C.  sea east even to the sea west
Alma 22:27        ca. 90 B.C.  from the east towards the west
Alma 22:29        ca. 90 B.C.  from the east to the west
Alma 22:32        ca. 90 B.C.  from the east to the west sea
Alma 22:33        ca. 90 B.C.  from the east unto the west sea
Alma 50:8          ca. 72 B.C.  from the east sea to the west
Alma 50:11        ca. 72 B.C.  in the east wilderness, yea, and also on the west
-- Textual turning point --
Alma 50:34        ca. 68 B.C.  on the west and on the east
Helaman 3:8       ca. 46 B.C.  from the sea west to the sea east
Helaman 4:7       ca. 35 B.C.  from the west sea, even unto the east
Helaman  11:20  ca. 16 B.C.  from the sea west to the sea east
3 Nephi 1:17       ca. A.D. 1    from the west to the east

What is going on here? The text is telling us that in the ca. 72 B.C. time frame, the Nephite nation, having settled lands from the river all the way to the east coast, changed its focus from an eastward orientation to a westward outlook as the land northward assumed a much greater role in Nephite affairs. We are seeing the first manifestation of a 1) Sidon 2) east then 3) west pattern.

This semantic shift is even more impressive when you realize that 5 of the 13 east, west couplets are describing features that are probably clustered within 30 kilometers of each other in the area along the west coast where the Sierra Madre reaches almost to the Pacific. Click to enlarge.

Cluster of proposed Nephite geographic referents along the west coast
near the modern boundary between Oaxaca and Chiapas 

The textual transition is clear when we analyze the east west narrow strip of wilderness and the line separating the Nephites in the greater land of Zarahemla on the north from the Lamanites in the greater land of Nephi on the south. In this map, the narrow strip of wilderness is shown in green and the Nephite Lamanite line along its northern (uphill) edge in red.

Narrow strip of wilderness (green) ran from the east sea to
the west sea with the head of Sidon roughly at its midpoint

Alma 22:27 first says that the northern boundary of the greater land of Nephi ran from the sea on the east to the sea on the west. It then says that the narrow strip of wilderness separating Nephites on the north from Lamanites on the south ran from the sea east to the sea west. Finally, it says that the narrow strip of wilderness ran from the east towards the west, passing by the head of the river Sidon with wilderness areas to its north. Alma 50:8 continues this same theme, adding that the eastern portion of the northern boundary of the greater land of Nephi was more rectilinear than curvilenear. In our correlation, this eastern portion of the boundary generally followed the Polochic/Dulce, roughly parallel to the Motagua.

Eastern portion of the narrow strip of wilderness running
in a straight course from the east sea to the west

In Alma 50:11, though, this eastward primacy suddenly changes. We learn that by ca. 72 B.C.:

• Nephite military forces for the first time drove Lamanites out of the wilderness west of the central Sidon corridor
• The Nephites began fortifying the east west dividing line - the northern part of the narrow strip of wilderness that separated the Nephites on the north from the Lamanites on the south
• for the first time, the narrow strip of wilderness was characterized as running from the west sea eastward to the head of Sidon rather than from the east sea westward
• the Nephites for the first time had now begun to inhabit not only the land Bountiful but also the land northward beyond Bountiful. Alma 46:17 ca. 73 B.C. confirms that the Nephites by this time had settled the land Bountiful. 

Going back 18 years to ca. 90 B.C., the text paints quite a different picture:

• While the greater land of Nephi extended westward to the west sea, the greater land of Zarahemla did not. The west wilderness, full of idle Lamanites living in tents, was explicitly west of the greater land of Zarahemla Alma 22:28. The land of Melek was in the central Sidon corridor west of the river with nothing but wilderness west of Melek Alma 8:3.
• While the Lamanites in the west wilderness were exploiting a Nephite settlement vacuum, the Lamanites in the east wilderness had been explicitly driven there by the Nephites' eastward expansion Alma 22:29.
• With the exception of their defensive garrison on the west coast Alma 22:33 the Nephites had not yet inhabited the land Bountiful Alma 22:29.  

These verses make the situation clear: by ca. 90 B.C. the Nephites in the greater land of Zarahemla had settled multiple lands along the central Sidon corridor including the land of Manti in the extreme south just north of the head of Sidon. They had established a defensive outpost in the land Bountiful along the west coast. And, they had begun expanding eastward, driving the Lamanites before them. The settlement of Jershon ca. 77 B.C. was a major milestone in this eastward movement. By ca. 72 B.C. the Nephites had expelled the Lamanites from the entire east wilderness area and were themselves establishing settlements along the east coast from the city of Bountiful on the north to the city of Moroni on the south. Having largely filled in their eastern lands, the Nephites ca. 72 B.C. began to finally turn their attention westward, driving the Lamanites out of the west wilderness and fortifying the east west narrow strip of wilderness line that separated the greater land of Zarahemla on the north from the greater land of Nephi on the south.

In the greater land of Zarahemla, the Nephites settled:

1. first, the river Sidon corridor beginning ca. 200 B.C.
2. second, the east with settlement well underway by ca. 90 B.C. The second wave of eastern expansion near the east sea was going strong with the establishment of the land of Jershon by ca. 77 B.C. By ca. 72 - 67 B.C. there were many cities up and down the east coast.
3. third, the west, beginning ca. 72 B.C.

These conclusions come from analyses of two data sources: 1) the list of geographic referents organized by date of first mention in the text (as a surrogate for polity founding date) published in the blog article "Expansion of the Nephite Nation", and 2) a list of all occurrences of the words "Sidon," "east," and "west" organized by contextual date of the passage in which they appear. This second list is available as an Excel spreadsheet here. To download, click first on "File" and then on "Download."

This map shows the first Nephite settlements in the river Sidon corridor, a single defensive outpost in the land Bountiful beside the west sea, and the beginnings of eastward expansion along the San Pedro river as per point #1 above.

Nephite lands (in white) ca. 90 B.C. either
explicitly attested or inferred in the text

This map adds those lands included in the eastward expansion of the Nephite nation as per point #2 above. The black circles represent areas (Piedras Negras on the north, Altar de Sacrificios/Dos Pilas on the south) unlikely to have ever been under Nephite control at any time.

Nephite lands (in white) ca. 67 B.C.
explicitly attested in the text

This map adds those lands mentioned in the text as part of the westward expansion of the Nephite nation as per point #3 above.

Nephite lands (in white) ca. 66 B.C. attested in the text

We can corroborate the Nephite settlement pattern outlined above by plotting the long string of Lamanite invasions and other military actions in and near the greater land of Zarahemla. These hostilities are organized in ascending chronological order from the time period ca. 200 B.C. when Mosiah₁ first entered the local land of Zarahemla through the time period ca. 31 B.C. when the Lamanites permanently occupied the south half of the greater land of Zarahemla. In the Book of Mormon Model dated August 21, 2012 or later, these 35 military actions are in the battles folder labelled Z1 through Z35, the "Z" designation meaning the greater land of Zarahemla.

1. King Benjamin, local land of Zarahemla & probably land of Minon, ca. 150 B.C. Omni 1:24, Words of Mormon 1:13-14
2. Amlicites, hill Amnihu in land of Gideon, ca. 87 B.C. Alma 2:15-19
3. Lamanites + Amlicites, local land of Zarahemla via land of Minon, ca. 87 B.C. Alma 2:27-28
4. Lamanites, land of Minon, ca. 87 B.C. Alma 3:20-23
5. Lamanites + Amulonites, land of Ammonihah, ca. 81 B.C. Alma 16:2, Alma 25:2
6. Lamanites + Amulonites, land of Noah, ca. 81 B.C. Alma 16:3
7. Captain Zoram & Sons, wilderness south of land of Manti & east of Sidon, ca. 81 B.C. Alma 16:7-8
8. Captain Zoram & Sons, wilderness south of land of Manti & east of Sidon, ca. 81 B.C. Alma 25:3
9. Lamanites, location not specified, ca. 78 B.C. Alma 16:12
10. Lamanites, east wilderness south of newly settled land of Jershon, ca. 77 B.C. Alma 28:1-3
11. Zerahemnah (Lamanites + Zoramites + Amlicites (critical text emendation for "Amalekites"), southern border of Jershon & northern border of Antionum, ca. 74 B.C. Alma 43:18
12. Zerahemnah, east of Sidon, south of land of Manti, ca. 74 B.C. Alma 43:36-38
13. Zerahemnah, west of Sidon, south of land of Manti, ca. 74 B.C. Alma 43:41
14. Amalickiah, wilderness south of the land of Manti, ca. 73 B.C. Alma 46:32
15. Lamanites + Zoramites, city of Ammonihah, ca. 72 B.C. Alma 49:11
16. Lamanites + Zoramites, city of Noah, ca. 72 B.C. Alma 49:21-23
17. Morianton, narrow pass near the west sea Bountiful/Desolation border, ca. 68 B.C. Alma 50:33-35
18. Amalickiah, cities of Moroni, Lehi, Morianton, Omner, Gid & Mulek along the east seacoast, ca. 67 B.C., Alma 51:22-26. Note: the term "Nephihah" in Alma 51:26 is a known error in the text. Royal Skousen's critical text correctly emends this word to read "Moroni."
19. Teancum, southern border of the land Bountiful near the east seacoast, ca. 67 B.C. Alma 51:28-31
20. Ammoron, cities of Manti, Zeezrom, Cumeni & Antiparah, ca. 66 B.C. Alma 56:13-14
21. Helaman & Antipus, west sea area north of Antiparah, ca. 65 B.C. Alma 56:49-54
22. Jacob, northwest of the city of Mulek near the east coast, ca. 64 B.C. Alma 52:31-36
23. Helaman & Gid, Cumeni on the south western border of the greater land of Zarahemla, ca. 63 B.C. Alma 57:17-22
24. Moroni, city of Gid on the east coast, ca. 63 B.C. Alma 55:20-23
25. Helaman, Gid & Teomner, city of Manti on the extreme southern border of the greater land of Zarahemla, ca. 63 B.C. Alma 58:27-29
26. Lamanites, city of Nephihah in the south eastern quarter of the greater land of Zarahemla, ca. 62 B.C. Alma 59:7-8
27. Moroni & Parhoran (critical text emendation of "Pahoran"), north of the city of Nephihah, ca. 61 B.C. Alma 62:14-15
28. Moroni & Parhoran, city of Nephihah, ca. 61 B.C. Alma 62:23-26
29. Moroni, Lehi & Teancum, city of Moroni, ca. 61 B.C. Alma 62:38
30. Moronihah, location not specified, ca. 53 B.C. Alma 63:15
31. Coriantumr, city of Zarahemla, ca. 51 B.C. Helaman 1:19-20
32. Moronihah & Lehi, north of the local land of Zarahemla, south of land Bountiful, ca. 51 B.C. Helaman 1:28-30
33. Lamanites, all of the greater land of Zarahemla, Nephites driven into land of Bountiful, ca. 34 B.C. Helaman 4:5-6
34. Moronihah, west sea to the east along a fortification line 1 day's journey in length, ca. 33 B.C. Helaman 4:7
35. Moronihah, northern half of the former Nephite homelands in the greater land of Zarahemla, ca. 31 B.C. Helaman 4:9-10

This map shows military actions 1 - 8 in and near the greater land of Zarahemla through ca. 81 B.C. Action 9, ca. 78 B.C. has no provenance in the text, so cannot be mapped. Note that all of these engagements are in the central Sidon corridor or slightly east of it as the Nephite settlement data predicts for this time period.

Military actions through ca. 78 B.C. Nephite victories
are shown as red icons, Lamanite victories as blue

This map adds military actions 10 - 19 with dates through ca. 67 B.C. Note that all of these hostilities are in the central Sidon corridor or the east, except for one area near the Bountiful/Desolation border on the west sea. Again, the hostilities map mirrors the Nephite settlement map for this time period.

Military actions through ca. 67 B.C. - central Sidon corridor,
points east, and a single defensive outpost by the west sea

This map adds military actions 20 - 32 with dates through ca. 51 B.C. when the Nephite nation had begun settling the west. Action 30 has no provenance in the text, so cannot be mapped.

Military actions through ca. 51 B.C. Nephite victories in red
Lamanite victories in blue

In ca. 34 B.C., the Lamanites conquered all of the greater land of Zarahemla, forcing the Nephites into the land Bountiful and beyond. The following year, the Nephites set up a fortified east west line along the west coast. This map represents military actions 33 & 34. The white overlays represent the greater lands of Nephi and Zarahemla, both under Lamanite control in ca. 33 B.C.

Military actions through ca. 33 B.C. when the Lamanites
had conquered the entire greater land of Zarahemla

In ca. 31 B.C., the Nephites under Captain Moronihah regained the northern half of their former territories. This map shows the reduced Lamanite possessions, again as a white overlay. Note how the proposed lands recaptured by Moronihah follow the San Pedro river, northern tributary of the Usumacinta. The lands that from ca. 31 B.C. on were permanent Lamanite territory follow the Pasion river, southern tributary of the Usumacinta.

Military actions through ca. 31 B.C. when the Nephites
had regained one half of their former territory

Summary: The Nephites settled the central Sidon corridor from Zarahemla on the north to Manti on the south early in their history. They established a defensive outpost at a key point on the west coast, then began to expand eastward, probably following tributaries of the Sidon. Every Nephite polity in the greater land of Zarahemla referenced in the text through ca. 67 B.C. was along the central Sidon corridor or in the east. The Nephite westward expansion began in ca. 72 B.C. with the first place names in the west appearing in the text 4 years later. The textual semantic, settlement and military action data all match this Sidon - east - then west pattern.